The pains of dividing a living geography

By Ramanjit Singh

In the sweltering heat of the July 1947, four individuals representing the Muslim, Hindu and Sikh communities under the directions of Sir Cyril Radcliffe deliberated on how to separate a living geography of Punjab. The officials representing the Muslims put forward their proposal on why the Pakistan boundary needs to pushed further east due to different reasons, all justifiable and reasonable in their eyes. The same was true for the Hindu and Sikh representatives, staking their claims on Lahore and other parts of the western districts.

Justice Mehr Chand Mahajan represented the interests of non-Muslims on the Punjab Boundary Commission. A man of deep learning and profound attachment to the land of Punjab, he brought to the Commission not merely legal expertise but an encyclopedic knowledge of the province's geography, canal systems, and demographic complexities.

Justice Teja Singh was the Sikh representative on the Punjab Boundary Commission, serving alongside Justice Mahajan to advocate for the Congress-Sikh position. A distinguished jurist and one of the most prominent Sikh legal minds of his era, he brought both legal acumen and a deep understanding of Sikh religious and cultural stakes in the partition.

Both were worried about the possibility that the Hindus and Sikhs would completely lose their economic power and religious centers if the boundaries of Punjab's partition were not extended further west from the Ravi River towards the Chenab.

Justice Din Muhammad and Muhammad Munir, representing the Muslims, argued that demographics should be the only factor determining the boundaries. Din Muhammad contended that the contiguous Muslim majority in the tehsils near the Ferozepur, Amritsar, and Gurdaspur districts implied that the boundaries of Pakistan should extend further east to include all these districts within Pakistan.

During the Commission hearings, Justice Din Muhammad made statements that deeply offended the Sikh representatives. When the Sikhs presented their claim to territories based on their labor in developing the canal colonies, their financial investments, and the presence of important gurdwaras, including the birthplace of Guru Nanak, Din Muhammad dismissed these arguments, declaring that their:

"shrines were built to commemorate the most insignificant"

He further insisted that "Sikh rule over Punjab was trivial" and characterized the overall Sikh claim as being "of no consequence." These remarks reflected the deep acrimony of the proceedings and the fundamental incompatibility of the two sides' positions on what constituted legitimate claims to territory. I think these statements were made during a heated argument and probably similar statements were also being made by the other side. But still it shows that any hopes of preserving the unity of the province was no longer viable.

In a press conference in June, Viceroy Mountbatten stated that the division of Punjab is occurring because the Sikhs are demanding it. Despite the fact that they would lose all their land in the districts of Lyallpur, Montgomery, and key economic centers of Lahore, Sialkot, and Rawalpindi, that it is the Sikhs who now desire the partition of Punjab.

The demand was clearly obvious. By June 1947, following the riots in the frontier regions and Rawalpindi earlier that year, Sikhs and Hindus realized that staying in a united Punjab within Pakistan was no longer feasible, it was akin to signing their own death warrant. The fervor of the Muslim League turned the concept of Pakistan into a religious crusade or 'jihad,' and those who challenged its legitimacy were being obliterated. Too much had happened to restore the bonhomie between the two communities. Riots had already begun in Lahore and Amritsar by June. The notion of staying united was impossible as the entire society was fracturing right before their eyes.

One of the things that continues to disturb me even after many years is that no one understood the significance of the boundary to the average Punjabi. Between August 24-27, probably the largest massacre of partition occurred in Sheikhupura. For a considerable period, Sikhs and Hindus remained in the district, believing it would be granted to India. Once they realized this wasn't true, they sought refuge near a rice mill in their hundreds of thousands. Almost all were massacred by local goons with the assistance of the Baluch army.

In these respects, it is crucial to understand that a "living geography" embodies people's hopes and dreams, their conviction that the land they have lived and cherished for centuries is still theirs, and that being severed from it obliterates everything they own and have strived to build over generations. The anger of those displaced was being inflicted with extreme brutality toward individuals who were not responsible for their suffering. However, collective punishment of communities became the usual practice for those seeking revenge after enduring similar atrocities on the other side.

The Boundary Commission caused chaos, and everyone is responsible for its outcome. However, these individuals were simply performing their administrative duties. They likely saved millions by adjusting the boundaries to the east or west, helping to protect as many people as possible by keeping them within their respective countries. It was not a clear victory for either side, but then again it was never meant to be a one sided outcome. Hindus and Sikhs lost Lahore and to this day they have not recovered from that loss. Muslims lost Jullundur, Amritsar, Ludhiana and they paid a heavy price for losing those districts.

Examining how the British governed Punjab following its annexation after the Anglo-Sikh wars with Maharaja Ranjit Singh's army in the 1840s.

The province was divided into 5 divisions, namely Delhi, Lahore, Jullundur, Multan and Rawalpindi.

Contested districts were primarily in the central Punjab region.

The proposed boundaries put forth by the members of the boundary commission is shown here.

After discussions, Sir Cyril Radcliffe established a boundary line that essentially divided the disputed claims down the middle.

The partition of Punjab triggered the largest mass migration in recorded human history. Muslims traveled west; Hindus and Sikhs traveled east. Trains became coffins. Villages that had coexisted for centuries turned upon their neighbors.

It caused panic among millions who, at the start of August, were unsure of which direction to take. Was Amritsar part of Pakistan? Was Lahore part of India? These were the questions asked by those who found themselves completely unprepared.

For Punjabis, marking August 15th as Independence Day feels strange because we recognize what we have lost. This feeling is common on both sides of the border. I also wonder was the partition just really among the communities of Punjab and Bengal? Essentially, these were the two partitioned provinces, the communities were mostly affected in these regions, rest of India didn't suffer the scale of violence that was seen in these two provinces.

Sir Cyril Radcliffe refused his fee of 40,000 rupees, burned his papers, and never returned to India. He reportedly told friends he had been given an impossible task with impossible time constraints.

"I had no alternative but to proceed on the basis of the material before me and form my own judgment. I do not wish my award to be taken as in any way compromising the just claims of either side."— Sir Cyril Radcliffe, Chairman's Note, August 1947

About the members of the Boundary Commission

Representing India's Claim

Justice Mehr Chand Mahajan

(Seated second from the right)

Born: 23 December 1889, Kangra District, PunjabEducation: Government College, LahorePosition: Judge, Lahore High Court (1943–1947)Later: Third Chief Justice of India (1954)

Mehr Chand Mahajan represented the interests of non-Muslims on the Punjab Boundary Commission. A man of deep learning and profound attachment to the land of Punjab, he brought to the Commission not merely legal expertise but an encyclopedic knowledge of the province's geography, canal systems, and demographic complexities.

His report emphasized the organic unity created by the Upper Bari Doab Canal system, arguing that Gurdaspur, Amritsar, and Lahore formed an economic unit that transcended mere population statistics. After partition, he served as Prime Minister of Jammu & Kashmir before joining the Supreme Court of India, eventually rising to become Chief Justice.

Justice Teja Singh

(Seated at the far right)

Born: 1894, PunjabEducation: Government College, Lahore; Called to Bar, LondonPosition: Judge, Lahore High Court (1943–1947)Later: First Chief Justice, East Punjab High Court (1947–1950)

Justice Teja Singh was the Sikh representative on the Punjab Boundary Commission, serving alongside Justice Mahajan to advocate for the Congress-Sikh position. A distinguished jurist and one of the most prominent Sikh legal minds of his era, he brought both legal acumen and a deep understanding of Sikh religious and cultural stakes in the partition.

His joint report with Mahajan argued forcefully for the inclusion of Lahore and the canal headworks in India, emphasizing the sacred significance of Sikh shrines in Lahore including the birthplace of Guru Ram Das and the samadhi of Maharaja Ranjit Singh. After partition, he became the first Chief Justice of the East Punjab High Court at Simla.

Representing Pakistan's Claim

Justice Din Muhammad

(Seated second from the left)

Born: 1878, PunjabEducation: Government College, Lahore; Middle Temple, LondonPosition: Judge, Lahore High Court (1928–1942)Later: Retired; Advisor to Pakistan government

Justice Din Muhammad was one of the senior-most Muslim jurists in Punjab at the time of partition. A retired judge of the Lahore High Court, he was called back to serve on the Boundary Commission to represent Muslim League interests. His long judicial career gave him deep familiarity with Punjab's administrative geography.

His report with Justice Munir argued that population should be the primary criterion for demarcation, emphasizing that the Muslim-majority districts of Gurdaspur, Lahore, and parts of Ferozepore should go to Pakistan. He contended that "other factors" mentioned in the terms of reference should not override the fundamental principle of contiguous Muslim majorities.

Justice Muhammad Munir

(Seated far left)

Born: 1895, Lahore, PunjabEducation: Government College, Lahore; Lincoln's Inn, LondonPosition: Judge, Lahore High Court (1945–1947)Later: Chief Justice of Pakistan (1954–1960)

Justice Muhammad Munir would go on to become one of the most consequential jurists in Pakistan's history, serving as Chief Justice and authoring the famous "Munir Report" on the 1953 anti-Ahmadiyya riots. At the time of partition, he was a relatively junior judge on the Lahore High Court but brought sharp legal reasoning to the Commission.

His joint report with Justice Din Muhammad contested the Congress-Sikh arguments about canal systems and economic unity, arguing that administrative convenience could not override the fundamental right of Muslim-majority areas to join Pakistan. He particularly disputed the claim that Gurdaspur should go to India, noting its 51% Muslim majority and arguing that the tehsil-by-tehsil approach unfairly fragmented natural administrative units.

--------------------------------

Sources: Punjab Boundary Commission Reports (1947), including the reports of Justice Mehr Chand Mahajan, Justice Teja Singh, Justice Din Muhammad, and Justice Muhammad Munir. Map from the Imperial Gazetteer of India (1907–1909).

Document digitized by Punjab Digital Library (www.panjabdigilib.org). Historical analysis prepared for educational purposes.